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Thomas Sankara the man who shook Imperialism

On the morning of December 21, 1949, in Yako, in northern Upper Volta (today Burkina Faso), Thomas Isidore Noël Sankara was born, the future revolutionary leader. He was the son of Nestor Sankara, a former soldier in the French army and prisoner of war during World War II who later became a nurse-gendarme, and of Marguerite Kaboré, a devout and disciplined woman. Because of his father’s assignments in various regions, Thomas and his siblings; Pascal, Paul, Pauline, Lydie, Odile, and Blandine grew up shielded from the severe poverty affecting most of the region’s inhabitants. From an early age, he learned discipline, courage, and a deep sense of dignity from his parents, values that would shape him for life.

At the age of 6, in 1955, Thomas Sankara began primary school in Yako. There he discovered reading, writing, arithmetic, and the importance of education as a tool for freedom and empowerment. School quickly became a place of curiosity and learning, where he stood out for his sharp mind and eagerness to learn, early signs of strong character and future leadership. Aware of the injustices faced by his people, he developed a critical mindset from childhood. In 1962, at 13, he joined the Ouezzin Coulibaly high school in Bobo-Dioulasso for secondary studies, discovering urban life and brushing shoulders with the children of colonizers. From his second year through graduation, he continued at the Prytanée militaire de Kadiogo in Ouagadougou, where he excelled academically and demonstrated exceptional discipline. Although he served mass, he refused to join the seminary, preferring instead to prepare for an active life dedicated to transforming society.

Like Blaise Compaoré, he received officer training at the Inter-Arms Military School (EMIA) in Yaoundé, Cameroon, and later at the Military Academy of Antsirabe in Madagascar, where he studied political science, political economy, French, and agricultural sciences. There he met young Marxist cooperants and witnessed Madagascar’s 1972 revolution, which toppled the regime of Philibert Tsiranana. This experience sharpened his vision of a “democratic and popular revolution.”

Back in Upper Volta in 1973 with the rank of second lieutenant, Thomas Sankara was assigned to train young recruits at the National Commando Training Center (CNEC) in , where he emphasized the importance of political education for soldiers. He famously stated: “Without patriotic political training, a soldier is nothing but a potential criminal.” In 1974, he began to distinguish himself, but it was during the conflict with Mali, known as the Christmas War, a brief yet violent border clash between December 25 and 30, 1985, that he gained true national recognition. Later, with fellow officers who shared his ideals, including Blaise Compaoré, Henri Zongo, and Jean-Baptiste Boukary Lingani, he founded the Regroupement des Officiers Communistes (ROC), laying the groundwork for his future revolution.

Before officially entering politics, Thomas Sankara married Mariam Sermé in 1979 at the age of 30. Their marriage formed a discreet but solid household that supported him throughout his years of activism. By the late 1970s and early 1980s, Upper Volta was experiencing political instability, swinging between authoritarian regimes and attempts at parliamentary democracy. In this context, the young officer decided to commit himself fully to political life.

In September 1981, at just 33 years old, Thomas Sankara was appointed Secretary of State for Information in the government of President Saye Zerbo. His growing reputation explains his nomination: an officer trained in Madagascar and influenced by Marxist, pan-Africanist, and Third-World ideologies, he had already gained public admiration for his integrity, proximity to the soldiers, and constant defense of the people. But his outspoken honesty quickly caused friction. Refusing to serve as a propaganda tool, he publicly defended freedom of expression. When the regime attempted to ban the right to strike, he resigned on April 21, 1982, famously declaring: “Woe to those who gag the people.” He was then demoted and expelled from the capital.

His popularity soared, and in January 1983, President Jean-Baptiste Ouédraogo, who came to power after Zerbo’s fall, appointed him Prime Minister. But his revolutionary discourse, charisma, and proximity to progressive movements alarmed conservatives and foreign powers. On May 17, 1983, he was dismissed and placed under house arrest, possibly under French pressure. His arrest sparked massive outrage among youth, unions, and intellectuals, who saw in him a symbol of hope.

Under popular pressure, he was released weeks later. On August 4, 1983, with support from loyal comrades from Pô, Sankara led a popular coup that overthrew the existing regime. At 33, he became head of the National Council of the Revolution (CNR) and launched the Democratic and Popular Revolution, promising to restore dignity, freedom, and sovereignty to the people of Upper Volta.

As head of state, Sankara undertook profound social transformations and, on August 4, 1984, renamed Upper Volta to Burkina Faso, meaning “the land of upright people,” symbolizing the dignity, integrity, and unity of the nation, and marking a decisive break from colonial legacy. He created the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (CDR), fought corruption, promoted wealth redistribution, decentralization, political education, and women’s empowerment. He encouraged food self-sufficiency, access to drinking water, the wearing of Faso dan fani, a traditional Burkinabè cloth typically worn on important occasions and even instituted a vital allowance for women, deducted directly from their husbands’ income.

On the international stage, he adopted a firm anti-imperialist stance: rejecting dependence on the IMF and World Bank, criticizing France’s African policy, supporting African unity and national sovereignty. He built ties with leaders like Muammar Gaddafi and Fidel Castro, sending young Burkinabè to Cuba for training. He also supported African liberation movements and opposed foreign interference.

Despite his integrity and devotion, Thomas Sankara made enemies, both within the political elite and among traditional leaders whose authority he reduced. On October 15, 1987, at the age of 38, a meeting was held at the Council of the Entente to discuss the creation of a single party. In the middle of the discussion, an armed commando stormed the room, opening fire and killing Sankara along with twelve of his companions. The only survivor, Alouna Traoré, later testified about the tragedy. Hours later, Blaise Compaoré seized power, claiming it was an “unfortunate accident,” and Sankara was buried without an official ceremony.

For decades, investigations were blocked and the truth suppressed. But in 2015, after Compaoré’s fall and exile in Côte d’Ivoire, Burkinabè justice reopened the case. After extensive investigations, the military court of Ouagadougou convicted Blaise Compaoré in absentia in 2022, along with several accomplices. Though many questions remain, especially concerning possible foreign complicity, Sankara’s assassination marked the brutal end of a visionary leader and strengthened his status as a symbol of integrity and resistance.

Today, Thomas Sankara remains a beacon of courage, justice, and dignity. A man of integrity, a patriot, and a revolutionary, he embodied the hope of a free Burkina Faso and a sovereign Africa. His vision of an equitable society, his commitment to the vulnerable, and his fight against corruption and neocolonialism make him an enduring model. More than a president, he remains a universal symbol of resistance and emancipation, inspiring present and future generations to fight for freedom, justice, and human dignity.

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